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April 2004
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Letter from Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, and the
West Bank
by Janet M. Powers, Associate Professor
of Interdisciplinary and Women's Studies, Gettysburg College
Although it seldom snows there, it's winter in Jerusalem
just now. The cold is bone-chilling in the stone houses because
there is no central heating. People heap their beds with blankets,
huddle around wood stoves and move propane heaters from room to
room to stay warm. Most days are cold and rainy, but even when the
sun does shine, a stiff wind blows. The checkpoint at Qalendia,
between Jerusalem and Ramallah, is a sea of mud. Men, women and
students slosh through it stoically -- one more example of how the
Abnormal has become normal. Yet still there are grim surprises.
One day in mid January, the separation barrier reached
both Jerusalem and Bethlehem. Workmen suddenly began dividing Abu
Dis, an Arab village within the boundaries of the city, with 8-meter
high pre-formed concrete sections. Overnight, a 25-foot wall blocked
the light from apartment buildings and forced closure of shops that
drew their business from nearby streets. Children trying to get
to school faced delays at the whim of soldiers stationed at a single
checkpoint gate.
At Bethany, or Lazariah, so-called because it is
where Jesus is supposed to have performed the miracle of raising
Lazarus from the dead, the wall cuts off the town almost completely.
Although Bethany is also on the perimeter of Jerusalem, nearby Jewish
settlements require security, and so the town is being walled. With
a touch of ghetto humor, Palestinians joke that Jesus would not
be able to get to Bethany to heal Lazarus today.
In Bethlehem, I saw workmen working at night under lights to erect
a 20-foot fence that will surround the town and separate it from
nearby settlements. Beyond the fence is a 15- meter area of cleared
ground and beyond that a trench topped with triple coils of razor
wire. Ten percent of the current land of Bethlehem will be annexed
by Israel with this barrier, and 177 families will lose their property.
Although Israel has changed the name of the barrier from Security
Fence to Terrorist Separation Fence, the better to seek international
approval (it faces a lawsuit at the International Court of Justice
in the Hague), the barrier is still a cage.
Israelis themselves are increasingly uncomfortable
with their government's actions. Folks that I spoke with in Tel
Aviv and Jerusalem acknowledge that the repressive policies of the
Sharon government simply generate more suicide bombings. For every
young person who loses a father or a sweetheart, an uncle or a brother
to imprisonment or assassination, a resistance fighter is born.
In Tel Aviv, I saw women wearing buttons that read "Women Refuse
Occupation." Growing numbers of reservists and young people
are refusing to serve in the army, despite tough sentences handed
out recently to five refuseniks.
There is a sense that things are beginning to come
apart. Israelis were shocked recently by the shooting of one of
their own, a peace protester who didn't look much different from
the people whose property he was trying to save. Because of expenditures
to build the wall and maintain thousands of security personnel,
the Israeli economy is in bad shape, with cuts occurring in education
and social services. Soup kitchens are the norm in the land of milk
and honey because Israel has brought in thousands of immigrants
who have not been well absorbed into the fabric of society.
While I was in Jerusalem, I attend a meeting of
FFPPP, a group of university faculty from the US and Europe, a majority
of them Jewish, who are committed to a peaceful and just resolution
to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. We heard speakers, including
Hanan Ashrawi , Dr. Jad Isaac from the Applied Research Center,
and Judith Butler. We noted that many in the US and Europe oppose
the repressive policies of the Sharon government and seek to stop
the wall. We argued over a European proposal to boycott Israeli
scholars in an attempt to bring pressure on the Israeli government.
We agreed that opposing the Occupation must not be confused with
anti-Semitism.
Another day I joined 100 women from Europe, Australia,
and the US who were winding up an International Human Rights March.
Over the course of two weeks they had seen with their own eyes what
Palestinians are now calling the Second Naqba (disaster). The women
had visited Jenin, Ramallah, Qalqiliya, Tulkarem, and East Jerusalem
but were unable to enter Gaza or Nablus due to curfews. I accompanied
them to Shu'fat Refugee Camp where we visited a community center
built by the government of Germany and a clinic.
Although Shu'fat, the only camp within the boundaries
of Jerusalem, is under UNRWA control, the Israeli army enters it
feely to demolish houses and arrest residents. Citizens receive
few services: roads are full of potholes and garbage is not collected.
Proximity to the city has also brought drugs to Shu'fat, a phenomenon
not unusual in communities where young people are denied a future.
Another day, I accompanied Michael Scott, mission
director for MercyCorps and son of Gettysburg residents Elizabeth
and Richard Scott, to Hebron. An NGO based in Portland, OR, MercyCorps
is building nine schools in the region around Hebron and establishing
parent-teacher associations, even before the schools are built.
Most Palestinian parents see education as the only way out for their
children. I was told, "parents would sell the clothes off their
backs to send their children to the university."
In Dura, a community near Hebron, I visited a clinic
and learned that diabetes is increasing due to stress and an increasingly
high carbohydrate diet. Only 20% of the people in Hebron are now
able to work, and 15 people are dependent on each person who is
working -- sometimes just one in an extended family.
At a workshop run by a charitable society, well-educated
young women were learning to design and make clothing. Despite the
fact that they were over-qualified for what they were learning to
do, they hoped to contribute to the family income. Yet even that
effort seems doomed because of cheap clothing imported from China,
which poor families have to buy, even though it is of poorer quality
than what women can make in their sewing project.
The young women had a lot of questions for me: "Why
is your country supporting the Israelis?" "Why did you
bomb Iraq?" "Why don't Americans care about the Palestinians?"
Hard questions, which I answered as honestly as I could, telling
them that not all Americans support military aggression in the Middle
East and also explaining that many Americans don't know what is
happening on the ground in the West Bank and Gaza.
Every Palestinian I spoke with deplored the normalization
of crisis, a situation where checkpoints are seen as natural, where
a divisive barrier marches on relentlessly, where yesterday is always
better than today. Their tone is often one of incredulity: how can
the world stand by and ignore what is happening to us? That question
is an eerie echo of those asked by victims of the Holocaust. Yet
even while acknowledging the horror of that earlier genocide, Americans
must learn that it can not be an excuse for apartheid, cruelty,
and assassination.
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